People who were assumedly diverse were called “people of
color,” harkening back to the race-based beginning. But as the
issue of group identity was extended to more and more
groups, particularly White Hispanics and White women, the
idea of “color” became increasingly metaphorical. One mercifully short-lived variation was
“people of diversity,” but for the
most part the generic term has
become “non-dominant group
members,” which refers to the
condition of institutional power
rather than to color or diversity.
Increasingly, the idea of “culture”
has entered the lexicon of intergroup relations. For instance, the
term “multicultural” has largely
supplanted the more political term
“pluralistic” to describe the condition of having many groups
around, although the term “global” in reference to international diversity is gaining ground. Contact among groups is
“cross-cultural,” which demands that everyone gain “
intercultural” skills and develop intercultural sensitivity.
of other groups of students. For instance, a group of African
Americans could identify ways in which an aspect of their
communication style generally differed from that of
European Americans on campus. With some basic intercul-
Intercultural sensitivity means the
ability to experience one’s self and
eventually others in terms of cultural
identity and behavior.
Promoting Intercultural Sensitivity
Intercultural sensitivity means the ability to experience one’s
self and eventually others in terms of cultural identity and
behavior. Intercultural sensitivity is not meant to exclude
sensitivity to institutional power issues, or sensitivity to individual personality issues. An intercultural approach to group
identity, intergroup relations, and social justice has three
underlying principles:
1. Social equity is served by assuming the equal complexity
but essentially different experience of all human beings. To
this end, it is appropriate to describe the normative behavior
of people according to broadly-defined groups (subjective
culture) and for people to identify with one or more of
these groups.
2. Intergroup relations is served by improving intercultural
communication. This involves identifying relevant cultural
differences and predicting potential misunderstandings.
3. The avoidance of abuses of power in cross-cultural situations is served by mutual adaptation. When people of
different cultures equally attempt to adapt to one another,
they generate “virtual third cultures” that allow constructive
communication to occur.
On college campuses today, student affairs officers have no
trouble identifying myriad “identity groups.” But these groups
may have very different goals and effects on the campus
climate. Sometimes the groups are largely political, oriented to
exposing oppression and providing their members with an
“us” identity opposed to all the other “thems.” According to
models of ethnic identity development, it is not surprising
that such groups are popular at the age and circumstance of
non-dominant college students, so some element of polarization is probably inevitable on campuses.
The identity groups that contribute more effectively to
improved intercultural relations are those that identify their
own subjective cultures and how they differ from the cultures
tural training, such observations can be made without stereotyping either group.
Student affairs officers should encourage the development
of such identity groups for all cultural constituencies on
campus, including those of the dominant culture. Groups of
White men can and should discuss their cultural differences
with other groups on campus. If the White men’s group
becomes a political instrument to decry what it might define
as “reverse racism,” then it becomes as troublesome as a Black
men’s group that does the same thing.
It is consistent with an intercultural approach to use culture
terms rather than color terms to refer to groups. This is fairly
standard for African Americans (US Americans of African
heritage); The parallel term would be European Americans
(US Americans of European heritage). European Americans
need to resist the impulse to define themselves in more
specific terms, such as German Americans or Italian
Americans, since only recent Americans of African heritage
are also able to place a national boundary on their heritage.
People of Mexican, Guatemalan, or Argentinian Latino
heritage could look to their Asian compatriots for a model
of how to use the general term Asian American while
maintaining the country-specific terms—Chinese
American, Japanese American—when appropriate. This
practice of “semantic equality” is really rather important
in establishing the kind of social equity necessary for good
intercultural communication.
Developing Intercultural Programming
Intercultural programming establishes the existence of culture
and defines frameworks for identifying cultural differences.
Such frameworks are culture general. They apply to a wide
range of cultures, and they are learning-to-learn tools, which
means they alert the user to categories of important differences, but do not include much detail. In other words, they
are not ethnographies. A typical list of such frameworks
would include:
• language use (the social context of language, such
as ritual greetings);
• nonverbal behavior (variations in gesturing or
eye contact);